Sunday, December 8, 2024

 

“I Am Not A Dress” by @brandubh4

 

We are women, we are warriors of steel.

Woman is something no man will ever feel.

Woman is not a skill that any man can hone.

Woman is our word and it is ours alone.

I am not a dress to be worn on a whim, 

A man in a dress is nonetheless a him.

Women are not simply what we wear.

If this offends you, I do not care.

I am not an idea in any man’s mind 

And my purpose in life is not to be kind. 

So while my rights are trampled every day of the week, 

I will not stand by being docile and meek.

I am not defined by sexist lies. 

There is more to a woman than that shallow guise,

That guise of dresses, bikinis, and skirts.

Those clothes are not what womanhood is worth.

I am not a bitch, a TERF, a whore, a slag,

Hysterical, witch, a slut, a hag.

No, I am a woman. I am a female, 

Who will not let her rights be put up for sale.

I am not defined by what men are not,

So to hell with cis misogynistic rot. 

I am a woman, I’m not as subset of my sex. 

If this makes me a dinosaur, so be it, I’m a T-Rex.

I am not a bleeder nor a menstruator,

A womb carrier or a uterus haver.

These words and phrases are such a sham.

Just call me woman, it’s who I am.

We are women, we are warriors of steel.

Woman is something no man will ever feel.

Woman is not a skill that any man can hone.

Woman is our word and it is ours alone.


 

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Monday, November 25, 2024

Saturday, November 16, 2024

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Marie Curie Campaigns

Every single day, 300 people across the UK die in poverty. And the “cost of dying crisis” is getting worse.  

 
Everybody living with a terminal illness should be able to spend the last months and days of their life focusing on what really matters: making memories with their loved ones. But last year 18% of those that died across the UK were living in poverty.

That's over 111,000 people who spent precious time at the end of their lives worrying about how they would make ends meet – struggling to pay their bills, forced to make the impossible choice between food or heating their home, and building up debts that would be passed onto their loved ones after their death.

Life is often more expensive when you live with a terminal diagnosis and, with the rising cost of living, more terminally ill people are being pushed into poverty every year. But it doesn't need to be this way. That's why Marie Curie is calling on the UK Government to act now, and:

  1. Make sure that all people living with a terminal illness have enough income to live their life comfortably until the very end, regardless of what benefits they may receive.

  2. Introduce a social tariff for energy to protect people living with a terminal illness and their households from spiralling energy bills.

Please sign the petition if you agree that the UK Government needs to fix the cost of dying crisis. 

 Why are so many people dying in poverty?

At Marie Curie, we've known for a long time that people who are diagnosed with a terminal illness are more likely to experience poverty. Many will lose income after they need to give up or reduce paid work, will face the additional costs of assistance with aspects of daily living like transport and personal care, and will have to pay out of pocket for home adaptations or specialist equipment. On top of this, alongside the rising cost of living, people living with a terminal illness often have energy bills that are thousands of pounds higher than the average household’s due to the added energy needed for symptom management. 

When the cost of living increases, so does the cost of dying. The UK Government needs to confront rising poverty rates head-on, and address the additional costs that people living with a terminal illness face. 


Monday, October 21, 2024

 

An Answer to Inequity (by Theodore Dalrymple)

Whenever I hear the word equity, my heart sinks, though I won’t go as far as to say that I reach for my Browning. My irritation on hearing the word is recent, however: I don’t think I would have reacted the same way forty years ago, when it was rarely used outside the context of the law.

Woke ideology has given equity—the quality of fairness or impartiality—a bad name, because in wokespeak equity as traditionally understood is deemed inequitable. For example, to be color-blind (as far as individuals of different human races is concerned) is to be equitable in the old sense, but inequitable in the new sense because such equity does not necessarily lead to equality of outcome, in fact it is pretty certain not to do so.

According to wokespeak, equity is that which leads to equality of outcome between both groups and individuals, and therefore compels unfairness in its treatment of both groups and individuals. As Orwell put it in Nineteen Eight-Four, freedom is slavery.

“Woke ideology has given equity—the quality of fairness or impartiality—a bad name.”

 

The fundamental error in all this was pointed out by Thomas Sowell, who thought that modern liberals, and a fortiori those who were woke, were in search of cosmic justice, that is to say a situation in which the universe, the world, and the whole of human life could and should be made perfectly fair. The English novelist L.P. Hartley lampooned this idea in 1960 in his novel Facial Justice, in which people who, through no merit of their own, were particularly good-looking were forced to go through surgery to make them only average-looking; and thus the prejudice in favor of the good-looking would be overcome. Unfortunately, lampoons have a quality of prophecy about them these days.

The demand for equality of outcome is, at heart, a revolt against the very notion of justice, since justice as normally conceived implies desert. But according to woke ideology, there is no such thing as desert, since everyone is the product of his genes over which he has no control and his circumstances over which he equally has no control. Hence justice can only be the equal repartition of the goods of this world, without reference to individual abilities or efforts.

Let us take a startling recent example of what the woke would no doubt call inequity: It appeared in the Archives of Internal Medicine. A study of firearm injuries suffered by minors in the St. Louis, Missouri, region, of which there were 1,340 cases in ten years, found that those who had been injured once were at high risk of being injured again shortly afterward, 6 percent in one year and 14 percent in five years. This, of course, is inequitable in itself: Surely the risk should be spread evenly throughout the population?

But the greatest inequity was in the sex and race of the injured. 84 percent were male, 12 percent were white, and 87 percent were black. Of those who suffered a second firearm injury, 98 percent were black.

The policy implications from the point of view of equity are obvious. Since it is far easier to get people to behave worse than to get them to behave better, the gross underrepresentation of females in the statistics suggests that everything possible should be done to encourage more firearm injuries among female minors, to bring them up to scratch, as it were, with male minor firearm injuries. And it does indeed seem to be that some slight efforts in this direction are being made: For example, the ratio of films in which young women carry Kalashnikovs to those who carry handbags has risen very quickly of late. This can only be applauded by those for whom firearm injury equity is important, but more must be done.

The racial disparity must also be addressed. It would surely be wrong, even if it were possible, to reduce firearm injuries among black minors; for that would, or at least might, imply that there was something not quite right about the way they, or their parents and neighbors, were living, and this would wound their self-esteem.

The better and more practicable approach would be to increase the rate of firearm injuries among white minors, if necessary by the handout of guns with little precautionary information to such minors. Moral education, to the effect that retribution or armed robbery is normal, might also be helpful.

The fact that the disparity is even greater among those who suffer more than one firearm injury must also be addressed, by for example discouraging the parents of the minors who have been shot once from taking precautions against a second episode. Perhaps a system of rewards for those injured more than once could be instituted, along the lines of the heroines-of-motherhood awards in communist countries for mothers who had more than five children.

For those who would say that firearm injuries are bad in themselves, I would reply that first, they are the consequence of self-expression, which is vitally important, especially for the downtrodden, and second, that attempts at reduction must be very cautious, lest they widen disparities further. For example, if you could reduce the number of firearm injuries suffered by black minors by twenty and those of white minors by ten, which superficial thinkers or conservatives might thoughtlessly welcome, the disparity between blacks and whites, already wide, would widen yet further, and thus would inequity increase.

Years ago, I heard a British minister say that she was determined to eliminate all the disparities between men and women—she repeated all. I asked whether she meant that men should live longer or women shorter lives. At this point, a civil servant jumped out from the background to defend her minister from the need to think for herself and not merely in clichés, as was her wont. “That,” said the civil servant, “is not a serious question,” though in fact it went straight to the heart of the matter.

But in this vale of tears, it seems, going straight to the heart of the matter is both unwelcome and unimportant. The mouthing of sentiments without examination of their presuppositions, their implications, their corollaries, and their consequences is all that is necessary to obtain a reputation for wisdom and goodness.

Theodore Dalrymple’s latest book is Ramses: A Memoir, published by New English Review.

An Answer to Inequity - Taki's Magazine


Thursday, October 17, 2024

 

The Envoy (by Jane Hirshfield)

 

One day in that room, a small rat.

Two days later, a snake.

 

Who, seeing me enter,

whipped the long stripe of his

body under the bed,

then curled like a docile house-pet.

 

I don’t know how either came or left.

Later, the flashlight found nothing.

 

For a year I watched

as something—terror? happiness? grief?—

entered and then left my body.

 

Not knowing how it came in,

Not knowing how it went out.

 

It hung where words could not reach it.

It slept where light could not go.

Its scent was neither snake nor rat,

neither sensualist nor ascetic.

 

There are openings in our lives

of which we know nothing.

 

Through them

the belled herds travel at will,

long-legged and thirsty, covered with foreign dust.


 

 

Saturday, October 12, 2024

𝗜 𝗦𝗮𝘄 𝗛𝗲𝗿 𝗗𝗮𝗻𝗰𝗶𝗻𝗴 (by Marge Piercy)


Nothing moves in a straight line,

But in arcs, epicycles, spirals and gyres.

Nothing living grows in cubes, cones, or rhomboids,

But we take a little here and we give a little there,

And the wind blows right through us,

And blows the apples off the tree, and hangs a red kite suddenly there,

And a fox comes to bite the apples curiously,

And we change.

Or we die

And then change.

It is many as raindrops.

It is one as rain.

And we eat it, and it eats us.

And fullness is never,

And now.


 

 


The journey of an illegal migrant.

Monday, August 26, 2024

https://www.takimag.com/article/misrule-britannia/

 Misrule Britannia - Taki's Magazine (takimag.com)

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Woke: the Origins, Dynamics and Implications of an Elite Ideology (The University of Buckingham)

 This 15-week course presents a theoretical, historical and social scientific analysis of cultural socialism. Uniquely among university courses worldwide, it focuses attention on the western cultural left and its accompanying symbolic system of wokeness – defined as the sacralization of minority identity.

The aim is to assess woke in an empirical and analytical manner rather than from a particular political or normative position.

The course begins by defining terms and setting out competing theories regarding the origin and reproduction of wokeness in the West. Students will obtain a grounding in the history, ideology, organizational dynamics, public opinion, electoral implications, policy aspects and philosophy of this idea. This will involve consideration of how woke interacts with classical liberalism, populism and conservatism to produce a recursive radicalizing pattern, abetting polarization. Woke will also be examined in light of global population shifts and techno-economic developments.

The course is non-credit bearing, with students able to select from one of three options:

Option A

  • Self-Study.
  • 15 Exclusive Lectures; Video and Audio Files
  • Lecture Slides (downloadable)
  • Readings based on leading research
  • Price: £80

Option B

  • Lecture with one 90-minute seminar per week.
  • 15 Exclusive Lectures; Video and Audio Files
  • Lecture Notes (downloadable)
  • Readings based on leading research
  • 15 Group Seminars
  • Price: £480

Option C

This is for prospective students who are interested in completing:

OR

Seminars and in-person classes begin in October 2024.

Woke: the Origins, Dynamics and Implications of an Elite Ideology | University of Buckingham